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WHY AM I THINKING ABOUT DRAWING CARTOON CAT AS SALLY AND THE CORPSE BRIDEEE đđđđđ
I feel like Iâm a bit fucked in the head sometimes, but then again, Iâm sure most people do. I love how I can read about a really gory crime scene and just be like âhuh, ok.â But Iâm afraid of touching content where people have to actually process their emotions and deal with consequences. I fear it while also hate when people in fiction donât get affected after watching their families die.
Then thereâs a piece of fanfiction thatâs like, âthis guy got skinned and had his organs removed while he was alive! The killer made his skin look like wings! The killer is also a religious cannibal with more than 26 murders in 6 months! His eldest son is a killer and cannibal that likes to decapitateďżź his victims, who believes that bloodshed is honour. Heâs also the protagonistâs coworker, they work for the FBI. The youngest son killed and ate his best friendâs stomach, because he believed the world wasnât worthy of said best friends. He also force fed the protagonist his best friendâs lungs.â And Iâm just like âoh lol okâ
Or sometimes when a I read gross out horror like body horror, I end up just appreciating it like an art piece in an art gallery. Which makes sense cuz I do enjoy body horror sculptures that could be found in art museums or smt. Like the one grease manga comic, the one where a family of people are obsessed with grease or whatever? Iâm not sure if itâs the dialogue thatâs scary because I read a version in a foreign language. But like, the images arenât really bad, kinda just the type of stuff that makes you wanna go âok, thatâs was something. Anyways-â
Itâs only ever like this when itâs gore in a podcast, book/articles/written work, or just things that donât force you to look at the real thing or an attempt at making it look real. Or gross out in comic, manga, art work, written work, sculpture and, actually most gross out stuff is fine as long as itâs not the actual thing in front if me, (like if itâs body horror then I get grossed out when someone actually starts growing wings and antlers)
But the second a character feels guilty for killing their friend while either dissociating or sleep walking, I become too uncomfortable to keep reading it. People feel emotions, I feel emotions, I shouldnât have such a problem with people feel negative emotions. Why do I feel like this?
Still trying to figure out why I like this look so muchâŚ
Would you be willing to talk about how standards of masculinity and femininity in Asia differ from those in Europe/North America? I know, it's a ridiculously broad question but I think you mentioned it in passing previously and I would be really interested in your answer especially in the context of the music industry and idols. I (European) sometimes see male Asian idols as quite feminine (in appearance, maybe?) even if they publicly talk about typically masculine hobbies of theirs.
Hi Anon,
Sorry that it took me over a month to get to this question, but the sheer volume of research that is necessary to actually answer this is significant, as there is an enormous body of work in gender studies. There are academics who have staked their entire careers in this field of research, much of which isnât actually transnational, being that regional gender studies alone is already an incredibly enormous field.
As such, in no way can I say that Iâve been able to delve into even 1% of all the research that is out there to properly address this question. While I can talk about gender issues in the United States, and gender issues that deal with Asian American identity, I am not an expert in transnational gender studies between Asia and Europe. That being said, Iâll do my best to answer what I can.Â
When we consider the concept of âmasculinityâ and âfemininity,â we must first begin with the fundamental understanding that gender is both a construct and a performance. The myth of gender essentialism and of gender as a binary is a product of patriarchy and compulsory heterosexuality in each culture where it emerges.
What you must remember when you talk about gendered concepts such as âmasculinityâ and âfemininityâ is that there is no universal idea of âmasculinityâ or âfemininityâ that speaks across time and nation and culture. Even within specific regions, such as Asia, not only does each country have its own understanding of gender and national signifiers and norms that defines âfemininityâ or âmasculinity,â but even within the borders of the nation-state itself, we can find significantly different discourses on femininity and masculinity that sometimes are in direct opposition with one another.Â
If we talk about the United States, for example, can we really say that there is a universal American idea of âmasculinityâ or âfemininityâ? How do we define a man, if what we understand to be a man is just a body that performs gender? What kind of signifiers are needed for such a performance? Is it Chris Evanâs Captain America? Or is it Chris Hemsworthâs Thor? What about Robert Downey Jr.âs Tony Stark? Do these characters form a single, cohesive idea of masculinity?Â
What about Ezra Millerâs Barry Allen? Miller is nonbinary - does their superhero status make them more masculine? Or are they less âmasculineâ because they are nonbinary?Â
Judith Butler tells us in Gender Trouble (1990) and Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of âSexâ (1993) that what we call gender is inherently a discursive performance of specific signifiers and behaviors that were assigned to the gender binary and enforced by compulsory heterosexuality. She writes:
Insofar as heterosexual gender norms produce inapproximate ideals, heterosexuality can be said to operate through the regulated production of hyperbolic versions of âmanâ and âwoman.â These are for the most part compulsory performances, ones which none of us choose, but which each of us is forced to negotiate. (1993:Â 237)
Because gender norms vary regionally, there are no stable norms that coalesce into the idea of a single, universal American âmasculinity.â What I mean by this is that your idea of what reads as âmasculineâ might not be what I personally consider to be âmasculine,â as someone who grew up in a very left-leaning liberal cosmopolitan area of the United States.Â
What I am saying is this: Anon, I think you should consider challenging your idea of gender, because it sounds to me like you have a very regionally locked conception of the gender binary that informs your understanding of âmasculinityâ and femininityâ - an understanding that simply does not exist in Asia, where there is not one, but many different forms of masculinity.Â
China, Japan, and South Korea all have significant cultural differences and understandings of gender, which has a direct relationship with oneâs national and cultural identity.Â
Japan, for example, might consider an idol who has long, layered hair and a thin body to be the ideal for idol masculinity, but would not consider an idol to be representative of ârealâ Japanese masculinity, which is epitomized by the Japanese salaryman.Â
South Korea, however, has a very specific idea of what idol masculinity must look like -Â simultaneously hypermasculine (i.e. extremely muscular, chiseled body) and âfeminineâ (i.e. makeup and dyed hair, extravagant clothing with a soft, beautiful face.) But South Korea also presents us with a more âstandardizedâ idea of masculinity that offers an alternative to the âflowerboyâ masculinity performed by idols, when we consider actors such as Hyun Bin and Lee Min-ho.Â
China is a little more complex. In order to understand Chinese masculinity, we must first understand that prior to the Hallyu wave, the idea of the perfect Chinese man was defined by three qualities: éŤĺŻĺ¸ (gaofushuai) tall, moneyed, and handsome - largely due to the emergence of the Chinese metrosexual.Â
According to Kam Louie:
[The] Chinese metrosexual, though urbanized, is quite different from his Western counterpart. There are several translations of the term in Chinese, two of the most common and standard being âbailing li'nanâ ç˝é˘ä¸˝çˇ and âdushili'nanâ é˝ĺ¸ä¸˝çˇďźliterally âwhite-collar beautiful manâ and âcity beautiful man.â The notion of âbeautiful manâ (li-nan) refers to one who looks after his appearance and has healthy habits and all of the qualities usually attributed to the metrosexual; these are also the attributes of the reconstituted âcoolâ salaryman in Japan, men who have abandoned the âsalaryman warriorâ image and imbibed recent transnational corporate ideologies and practices.Â
[...]
In fact, the concept of the metrosexual by its very nature defines a masculinity ideal that can only be attained by the moneyed classes. While it can be said to be a âsofterâ image than the macho male, it nevertheless encompasses a very âhardâ and competitive core, one that is more aligned with the traditional âwenâ part of the wen-wu dyad that I put forward as a conventional Chinese ideal and the âsalaryman warriorâ icon in Japan. Unsurprisingly, both metrosexuality and wen-wu masculinity are created and embraced by men who are âwinnersâ in the patriarchal framework.Â
The wen-wu ććŚ (cultural attainment â martial valor) dyad that Louie refers to is the idea that Chinese masculinity was traditionally shaped by âa dichotomy between cultural and martial accomplishmentsâ and is not only an ideal that has defined Chinese masculinity throughout history, but is also a uniquely Chinese phenomenon.
When the Hallyu wave swept through China, in an effort to capture and maximize success in the Chinese market, South Korean idol companies recruited Chinese idols and mixed them into their groups. Idols such as Kris Wu, Han Geng, Jackson Wang, and Wang Yibo are just a few such idols whose masculinities were redefined by the Kpop idol ideal.Â
Once that crossover occurred, Chinaâs idol image shifted towards the example South Korea set, with one caveat: such an example can only exist on stage, in music videos, and other âidolâ products. Indeed, if we look at any brand campaigns featuring Wang Yibo, his image is decisively more metrosexual than idol; he is usually shot bare-faced and clean-cut, without the âidolâ aesthetics that dominate his identity as Idol Wang Yibo. But, this meterosexual image, despite being the epitome of Chinese idealized masculinity, would still be viewed as more âfeminineâ when viewed by a North American gaze. (It is important to note that this gaze is uniquely North American, because meterosexual masculinity is actually also a European ideal!)
The North American gaze has been trained to view alternate forms of masculinity as non-masculine. We are inundated by countless images of hypermasculinity and hypersexual femininity in the media, which shapes our cultural consciousness and understanding of gender and sexuality and unattainable ideals.Â
It is important to be aware that these ideals are culturally and regionally codified and are not universal. It is also important to challenge these ideals, as you must ask yourself: why is it an ideal? Why must masculinity be defined in such a way in North America? Why does the North American gaze view an Asian male idol and immediately read femininity in his bodily performance? What does that say about your North American cultural consciousness and understanding of gender?Â
I encourage you to challenge these ideas, Anon. Â
âAlways already a cultural sign, the body sets limits to the imaginary meanings that it occasions, but is never free of imaginary construction.â - Judith ButlerÂ
Works Cited
Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. New York, NY, Routledge, 1990. Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex. New York, NY, Routledge, 1993. Flowerboys and the appeal of 'soft masculinity' in South Korea. BBC, 2018, Louie, Kam. âPopular Culture and Masculinity Ideals in East Asia, with Special Reference to China.â The Journal of Asian Studies, Volume 71, Issue 4, November 2012 , pp. 929 - 943 Louie, Kam. Chinese, Japanese, and Global Masculine Identities. New York, NY, Routledge, 2003.Â